Big Time 1958

"Whether it is a supporter of de Gaulle or a left-wing force, in fact, this time is not a winner." Serov said to Andropov as he walked, "Actually, for the capitalists, neither the left nor the right is the most favorable choice. Left-wing forces always advocate using the power of the state to balance the gap between the bottom and the upper class, which is naturally unpopular. But right-wing forces are often too conservative, and one-sided protection makes it difficult for these financial capital to have room to play. In the 1990s, even the industrial capitalists were the enemies of those financial capitalists.”

"So you think this is the reason why the people of the Second International are more and more popular in Western Europe?" Andropov thought for a moment and said, "But the people of the Second International are followers of Engels, and they are not welcome in name. The capitalists are too inflated."

"This brings us to the second question. If the rickets of the Socialist Party International really had the spirit of sacrifice, the World War I would not have broken out so tragically. Those traitors have no spirit of sacrifice at all. For the bourgeoisie, they belong to the The object of control is different from that of the communist party, because of the existence of the Soviet Union and the socialist camp, they will only kill any socialist movement,” Serov concluded helplessly, bowing his head, “It’s very troublesome, the socialist party has diverted the socialist movement. Strength, more than ten years ago, the Italian Communist Party could independently confront the Italian Catholic Democratic Party, but now the same French Communist Party is not the opponent of the de Gaulle party at all, and has to form a left-wing alliance. Over the past ten years, the changes have been too great. In Western Europe, only the Italian Communist Party can now divide the world with the opposition."

   "How to reverse this situation?" Andropov was also in a heavy mood, and his family knew about their own affairs. He was the head of the Central Liaison Department of the Soviet Union, and no one knew better than him the strength of the Soviet Union in supporting the forces of world socialism. Even if Khrushchev was not willing to have a head-on conflict with the United States, he did not cut the funds for the Central Liaison Department.

  The Communist Party of many countries is actually in a situation where they will be severely hit if they leave the Soviet Union’s financial support. Of course Andropov knew about the situation, but he also had no good solution to it.

"It's definitely not okay to always give them money. Of course, this does not include the United States and Canada. In the final analysis, we still have to develop our own country and we must overwhelm the United States in strength. Only this impression is generally accepted by the people of the world. Only then can we stabilize the development of the socialist movement!” Shelov also said with a difficult expression, “Actually, considering the average income of our people, I can say that as long as our real national strength is 70% of that of Americans, we will In the competition for the world, the country can form an evenly matched situation with the United States. If our national strength is 80% or even equal to the national strength of the United States, this competition must be that we suppress the Americans and give them no chance to fight back.”

Serov's statement is actually quite cautious. It did not expand the national strength of the Soviet Union at all. During the Brezhnev period, the strength of the Soviet Union reached 70% of that of the United States. During the strategic offensive, it almost pressed the United States to fight, but the Soviet Union's The potential is not enough. Once the United States starts to fight back against the overdraft potential of killing the poor and helping the rich, the Soviet Union will not be able to withstand it. Converting the super-rich in the United States into 30% of the wealth of Americans, Serov has already looked down on the conscience of capitalists.

  After the French election was settled, there was an unspeakable silence in European countries, the Soviet Union and the United States for a while, which was different from the reports given by the vast number of third world countries. Almost the European countries and the US and the Soviet Union involved do not know how to evaluate the election results. For both camps, this is something that cannot be summed up in one or two sentences.

  The Soviet Union could not declare that this was the victory of the people's justice, because the French president was still de Gaulle, and the political structure devised by de Gaulle himself could still ensure his status as a strong president. As long as de Gaulle himself does not step down, it is estimated that there will be some strife in France in the past few years. And among the left-wing coalitions are the Trotskyites, the Socialist Party of the Second International.

   The U.S. government even felt that after the election, France could not allow the U.S. to make its own policies. There is no doubt that the United States hated de Gaulle very much, and this man caused countless troubles to the United States. But they disliked the French Communist Party even more, and the left-wing coalition headed by the French Communist Party. Alright now, so all the things Americans hate are in place.

  If de Gaulle is violently overthrown, the US government may take a risk to intervene, although this possibility is also very low. But now France, which is concentrated on the hatred of the United States, also makes the United States feel at a loss when it comes to formulating policies.

   So compared to many countries outside of Europe, that cheerful look. The United States and the Soviet Union, as well as the European countries involved, reported the incident in a very formal tone and in narrative language, cold-handling the French election. This is in stark contrast to when the protests first started.

In any case, for some right-wing parties, any left-wing party is the reason for them to doubt the Soviet Union. This is the thinking of the Cold War, not to mention the Communist parties of various countries, even the socialist parties, workers' parties of various countries, or the Second International. Members, either Trotskyites, are often suspected of being Soviet spies, and the current British Labour Prime Minister has been suspected of being a Soviet spy more than once.

   As long as the Soviet Union exists, various left-wing political parties will be the spokespersons of the Soviet Union in the eyes of many people. Although most of these parties have nothing to do with the Soviet Union, the problem is that no one believes it. What's more, the Soviet Union still held up the banner of socialism from time to time to preach, which made political parties in some countries suspect that the left-wing political parties in their own countries occasionally had problems with their positions.

  Although both camps have cold-handed the French election, in fact, in the eyes of the United States, the United Kingdom and the Federal Republic of Germany, this is still a defeat, but de Gaulle is still president, and their side has not completely lost. Because of the Italian precedent, they still see an opportunity to dampen the impact of this protest in the future.

The value of   Italy has appeared again. Precedents always become the reference standard after the incident. Since the situation in Italy was worse ten years ago, and NATO did not send troops to intervene, it seems that it is not impossible to use time to dilute the impact. What's more, after the end of the spring offensive in the United States, the domestic anti-war has reached its peak. The current government has stated that it will gradually withdraw the US military from the Vietnam battlefield, and the US has no public opinion to conduct military operations in France.

On the lawn in the Kremlin wall, two old people are walking side by side. Both of them are famous in Soviet politics. Khrushchev, the first secretary and chairman of the Council of Ministers, and the nominal head of state of the Soviet Union, the highest Soviet Chairman Mikoyan, the two of them are taking a walk in the political center of the Soviet Union, with a very comfortable expression.

   For Khrushchev, who will soon be seventy-five years old, he seems to have no dissatisfaction. Five years have passed since the first signal of retirement was released. If he was sixty-five years old, he would definitely consider it again, and maybe he would go back on it, but now there is no such possibility. Leaders around the world already knew he was retiring.

   In the current Soviet Central Presidium, apart from Mikoyan, there is no one of Khrushchev's age. Except for the two of them, all the members of the Central Presidium were promoted by Khrushchev himself.

"Take a good look at the scenery here, you may not come here often in the future." The reason why Khrushchev didn't say anything to death is because Brezhnev was working out the issue of Khrushchev's retirement benefits, of course Serov knew Brezhnev just used the promotion of Khrushchev's retirement benefits to buy people's hearts, showing that he was the leader designated by Khrushchev, but Khrushchev himself did not know, and was quite satisfied with it.

"I have seen the possibility of defeating the United States, but I have to say that I said at the time that I would see the burial of the United States with my own eyes, and I was a little optimistic. I can only say that I saw this trend, but I don't necessarily see that day coming. "Khrushchev is obviously very satisfied with the international situation in recent years, as sung in a Soviet song, from victory to victory.

"Yeah, we are too old. It seems that this long-term struggle will not necessarily see results, but the trend is obvious and it can be done by those young people." Mikoyan is even more qualified than Khrushchev. Even older, Mikoyan was already a member of the Central Committee forty-five years ago, and Mikoyan thought for a while and asked, "If both of us retire, two committees of the Central Presidium will be vacated. Who do you think is more suitable? ?"

Because Mikoyan is older than Khrushchev, and after Khrushchev retired, Mikoyan has clearly seen that if he is still in the Central Presidium at his age, he will be hostile sooner or later. Ruchev retired together.

  Mikoyan's political sense is very keen. Although he has never been called a high-level authority, he has always been an important member of the Soviet leadership and can see some trends.

   "Andropov is a very good comrade, as for the other one." Khrushchev also fell into thinking.

   "What do you think of Serov? This man is very young and has a lot of credit. The only problem is his qualifications." Mikoyan mentioned the candidate in his heart. The most important reason is that Serov was born in the Caucasus. Raised by Marshal Baghramyan, Mikoyan believed he had feelings for the people of the Caucasus. At this time, Mikoyan also wanted some welfare for his own nation, and hoped that the Caucasus side could get some care. (To be continued~^~)