Big Time 1958

  The Soviet intellectual class, after Khrushchev deregulates culture, has undergone some unpleasant changes. Obviously, this level of rebound has dissatisfied Suslov, the Soviet ideological authority, for a long time. In all fairness, this change was not what Khrushchev wanted. He eased the cultural restraint, and ideology, culture, art and technology recovered rapidly, but Khrushchev emphasized the party spirit of literature and art in the later period of his administration, severely criticized works that smeared reality, and strengthened the censorship system of books and newspapers. He advocated peaceful coexistence with countries with different systems and eased international tensions, but he still insisted on launching an arms race with the United States.

   To let Serov see it, it is obviously a desire to correct the too strict social environment of Stalin's time. But then that unpleasant change occurred, and Khrushchev saw the same. Then there is the thaw of the cultural world, and at the same time, the so-called cultural people in the cultural world are constantly warned. While easing, it still competes with the United States in various fields.

   Anyway, Khrushchev knew that he had gone too far in some places. As for the last general secretary of the Soviet Union, he never felt that his reforms were dangerous.

   For Brezhnev and Kosygin at this time, that is to continue deepening the reforms with good results, stop the reforms that are not very effective immediately, and adjust the domestic and foreign policies of the Soviet Union. In the domestic political structure, the two party organizations that were separated were merged, and in the economic aspect, Kosygin continued to deepen reforms and exerted the internal potential of the Soviet Union. Suslov hoped that the cultural circles would stop the overt and covert ridicule of the country, while Shelepin hoped to establish a fair legal environment and a functioning supervision system.

   In the more than a week after Khrushchev stepped down, this is how the new Soviet leadership spent during the entire Kremlin meeting. Pravda has been publishing articles about the new leadership's moves, and is currently promoting the significance of Khrushchev's retirement and his expectations for the new leadership.

At this time, the members of the Presidium of the Soviet Central Committee were in the least era. Except for Brezhnev and Kirilenko, the Secretary of the Central Committee, Sherepin and Serov, Kosygin and Mazulov, and Polyansky government cadres, only There are ten members of the Ukrainian Party Committee First Secretary Sherest, as well as Central Secretary Suslov, Central Secretary Andropov, and members of the Central Presidium. In fact, under normal circumstances, Sherest is working in Kyiv, and he will not come to Moscow unless there is a major event. In fact, there are nine people in the Central Presidium at this time.

   After a few days of sorting out the domestic situation of the Soviet Union, the next problem began to emerge, that is, the problem of the international environment. According to the calculation method of the Soviet Union itself, the economy of the Soviet Union has begun to approach 70% of that of the United States. Under such circumstances, how exactly the Soviet Union should respond to NATO led by the United States, whether to de-escalate or to attack, is a question.

“After the start of the spring offensive, the anti-war wave in the United States has reached its peak, and coupled with the sharp loss of American gold reserves, we have ample reason to believe that the United States will find a way to withdraw from the quagmire of Vietnam, and at the same time find a way to adjust its domestic Economy!" Shelov handed over copies of several telegrams, one to each of the other members of the Central Presidium, "but the process is slow, first of all, the US will not retreat immediately, because they are not like giving up South Vietnam. , but waiting for the South Vietnamese government army, or the puppet army to form a certain combat strength before retreating."

"What does this mean?" Kirilenko, Secretary of the Central Committee, asked with a relaxed expression, "Is it our foreign policy, or is Comrade Shilov only in the eyes of the US military? Besides, this matter should be handled by the Ministry of Defense. Comrade, let's talk about it?"

"I mean, the Americans are empty. There are already problems in their country." Sheloff has received information from the Cambridge Five, and knows about the actions of the United Kingdom. Once the United Kingdom feels that its financial capital accumulation is completed, it will definitely be against the United States. The dollar starts, and puts on a good show that Dad is back.

"Andrei, this is a problem. We extract useful information from the KGB's intelligence, so that we can more appropriately formulate our countermeasures against the Americans." Brezhnev criticized in mild words. His comrade-in-arms, then said, "We should listen to the opinions of other comrades. In the field of intelligence and analysis of the international situation, Comrade Serov is the authority of our Soviet Union, and we should respect it."

   "It's not authoritative, it's just some ideas." Although Sheloff has been bluffing and cheating under the name of a security expert, he still has to show a certain modesty on this occasion. He knew that Brezhnev actually knew everything about the KGB. Although the KGB was firmly in the hands of the cadres of the Communist Youth League from Sherepin, Semichasny to him, some high-level cadres and Brezhnev relationship is good. For example, KGB Vice Chairman Zinev, KGB Vice Chairman Tsvigon, and Belarus KGB Chairman Chebrikov were all born in Dnipropetrovsk, Ukraine.

  Brezhnev, who has this kind of information channel, knows very well about other orders and work issued through the KGB Presidium, except for the affairs that Serov himself operated. After all, Serov can't cover the sky in the KGB, even if he knows who Brezhnev is, he must be respected.

  Take Zinev as an example. When this person first entered the security agency, Serov was a minister of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of a small Union Republic. When Zinev was the director, it was almost the same time that Serov entered the Ministry of Internal Affairs. From this point of view, Sheloff belongs to the latter.

"Then I'll talk about some of my own ideas. If comrades have different opinions, you can put forward them at any time." Brezhnev thought for a while and said, "The former colonial countries of Asia, Africa, Latin America and other independent countries after the war also It has grown up, and these third world countries that have grown up are opposed to the Western world led by the United States to a large extent. This is where we can operate. The current public opinion environment is very favorable for us, the Soviet Union. The Soviet Union must play a decisive role in the history of human development! This is our mission and task, and as the leader of this country, the comrades here and I cannot shy away from this role. "

"Of course, we still have to implement the detente policy at the same time. This is also a continuation of the first secretary's policy. In fact, this is not contradictory. Before accomplishing the great goal, we can also borrow the strength of the enemy." Bree Zhinev flicked the ashtray and said, "First of all, we do have some gaps in the economy of the United States, and the environment at this time is favorable to us. We can use this environment to let the United States release enough goodwill towards the Soviet Union, Completely bridge the gap that can be seen now. When the technical level of the two sides, especially the industries that involve people's lives, are completely leveled out, we will have more confidence in confrontation. I don't know what comrades think. , we can study and discuss it again, everyone is comrades, and we can put forward different opinions..."

   The gap between the Soviet economy and the West is not small. It is hoped that through cooperation with the West, large-scale introduction of advanced Western technology will transform the Soviet economy and narrow the economic gap with the West. And the Cuban missile crisis not only proves that Khrushchev's rocket strategy cannot solve all problems, but also illustrates the gap in military power between the United States and the Soviet Union at this time. The implementation of military strategies requires preparations in a calm international environment, and avoiding conflict with the West led by the United States is an appropriate consideration before preparations are completed.

The United States also hopes to coexist peacefully with the Soviet Union, which Brezhnev can be sure of. The United States is deeply mired in the Vietnam War, reducing the pressure of confrontation with the Soviet Union. The confrontation between the army and the Soviet Union was not a sensible move.

   Serov knew that the US troop strength in Europe had been shrinking since the 1970s. It was not until the internal wounds of the Vietnam War were healed that it was re-planned to increase its troop strength in Europe during the Reagan period.

   At the same time, the Group of 77, which was established four years ago, launched the establishment of a new international economic order, requiring the development of the national economy and opposing the economic exploitation of imperialism. All this allowed Brezhnev to see where the environment was favorable for the Soviet Union. After all, in this era, the reputation of the Soviet Union is simply outrageous. If you don't take advantage of it, Brezhnev is not worthy of being the first secretary.

The offensive policy and the relaxation policy started at the same time. Of course, the economic relaxation policy was mainly aimed at Western European countries, while the offensive policy was aimed at the United States. After Brezhnev finished speaking his thoughts, the Central Presidium began to carry out During the discussion, Sherepin supported the offensive policy, Kosygin supported the détente policy, Brezhnev felt that both of his policies had found supporters, the atmosphere of the whole meeting was in a united and friendly environment, and the future strategy of the Soviet Union was determined down.

"Ilyich, the number of people in the Central Presidium is dominated by Kosygin, and Sherepin has many followers in the security agencies, propaganda agencies and organizational agencies. Shouldn't we take some action?" After the meeting, as Brezhne Her husband's long-time comrade-in-arms, Kirilenko said worriedly.

Through the window, Brezhnev looked at the people who were leaving one after another outside, and turned back with a dull expression, "Andrei, you must know that I have just become the first secretary, and it has been less than half a month, and the new leader is currently I haven't achieved any achievements at the top level. Under this circumstance, why should the majority of cadres support me? They can fully support Shelepin, who is even more powerful."

   "There are some things, don't worry about it." Brezhnev sighed and said to himself, "With results, you can get more support!" (To be continued~^~)