Dear Comrade

Chapter 217

Dear Comrade the Leader, Episode 217

Chapter 77. a narrow world

“What should I send an official congratulatory message to the Chinese side, comrade?”

“In front of me, it’s just a word I use every day, congratulations on your inauguration, and I hope that in the future, there will be only things like the blue autumn sky in the 50 years of friendship between Korea and China. … . I’ll have to think about it for a moment.”

When the ceremony for the inauguration of the new leadership, including the National People’s Congress held in China, was just around the corner, Jeong Hwan, the secretary’s office, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs were contemplating an official celebration to send to China.

At the National People’s Congress for the inauguration of the new leadership, the National People’s Congress exerted an unprecedented level of media control and monopoly on state-run channels (even by Chinese standards) as if trying to dissipate the people’s dissatisfaction with the various errors of the previous Jiang Zemin leadership.

In particular, in state-owned enterprises and within the People’s Liberation Army, instructions were issued separately for obligatory viewing of the National People’s University live broadcast.

“Once you go out publicly, you have to be polite, but our party and republic are the new leadership… … So, what part of the congratulatory messages to Xi Jinping and Bo Shi Lai do you think should be emphasized officially?”

Jung-hwan nominally deliberately missed out on President Hu Jintao, but no one present tackled it.

It was because everyone was well aware that the real power was held by Bo Shi Lai and Xi Jinping, or to be more precise, the Crown Prince’s Party.

And to that extent, the Workers’ Party of Korea had to decide very carefully the phrases to be used in the official celebrations, taking into account the complex and subtle circumstances inside and outside China.

You might say that you put so much effort into an act that is just a form, but sometimes the form overwhelms the content.

“You emphasize the camaraderie that we are fighting together in Afghanistan in blood. Although it is a small number, considering that he even gave contempt that he was dispatched anyway, and that he recently had a quarrel over the position of chairman of the military committee, wasn’t that the best move?”

“They are drenched in blood in Afghanistan, and the leadership has changed because of that. Rather, it emphasizes a completely non-political sector, such as the academic collaboration between Dae Kim and Peking University… … .”

“It seems safe to go with the most fundamental line. Isn’t it safe to say that you are talking about being comrades on the socialist ideological front, and that the Crown Prince Party is a group of revolutionary children of the days of Comrade Mao Zedong and President Kim Il-sung?”

These were the opinions presented by the Cabinet Ministry of People’s Armed Forces, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Political Bureau of the Party, respectively.

Various opinions were expressed as if proving that the current republic, or at least the leadership, had completely escaped from the climate of cracking down on the tongue on its own in order to prevent your throat from being blown if you showed the opinion in your heart.

In fact, considering the difference between the information he knew and the information currently known by party officials, it was natural that they had different opinions.

‘Xi Jinping appears to be an inconspicuous and colorless and odorless type on the outside, but in reality, he is a Chinese version of Stalin with a huge lust for power and immersed in Chinese ideology. The problem is Boshi Lai, but I didn’t expect this yangban to come up here.’

However, in light of Bo Bo’s original deeds that Jung Hwan knew, he too was not weaker than Xi Jinping’s lust for power, and there was a strong possibility that he would commit even more insane things.

Somehow, Jiang Zemin and the Shanghai room overlapped and got to that point, but it was easy to predict that the two would never be comfortable, as the party secretary and the military committee president In-seon, who are far away from China’s customs, tell us right now.

And if you don’t know anything else, this one thing was certain.

‘As long as the two hold power, no, whether both or one of them is in power, China’s future is going to be very dark.’

Aside from his personal shortcomings that he is uniquely greedy and greedy for power among numerous Chinese Communist Party officials, whether it be Xi Jinping or Bo Shi Lai, do you not already know that Xi Jinping later pursues a hegemonic expansionary policy prematurely and is truly educated by the United States?

Jiang Zemin is not sure if it was because he recognized that his country was still lacking in power, or because he was originally rational, but at least after Deng Xiaoping’s overthrow, as it led to the Sino-Afghan War, his ‘Guangzhou Party’ policy was completely lost in China today. It should have been discarded.

In addition, the US did not wage wars in Afghanistan and Iraq in this world, so there was no wasted consumption of national power, and the viciousness that China is already doing in Afghanistan has spread, and even a petition to Congress to stop human rights groups from applying diplomatic pressure to China right away. was submitting

After Iraq, the United States has given up its role as the world police to some extent because of the anti-war, half-and-half, but the current United States is eager to project its national power under the pretext of ‘freedom fighter, defender of world liberal democracy and human rights’, both as a cause and in practical terms. I am in a state

Of course, in Jeonghwan’s international pavilion, it’s like ‘China is a thug close, America is a thug far away’, but when one gangster beats another gangster, shouldn’t he at least stand next to the winning gangster?

‘Then you have the answer. The correct answer is to diversify diplomatic routes, reduce the proportion of China and become closer to pro-American countries.’

“I fixed it. Let’s go in a direction that emphasizes the economic achievements of the two countries and the exchanges between the companies of the two countries.”

“… … economy… … Are you talking about a problem?”

As Jeonghwan made his decision, party officials and bureaucrats looked at him with puzzled expressions.

Is it too plain for a message to China’s decisive leadership change, which may be as important as the United States in terms of diplomatic importance and, on a few issues, more important than the United States?

Moreover, the most important economic and trading partner of North Korea was China, and not much has changed even now.

Of course, the economic and trade relationship before Jeong-hwan was a relationship in which China was dependent on North Korea (written as trade and read as aid), but now the difference is that it is a mutually beneficial relationship for each other’s business.

But still, if it’s just an economic issue, isn’t the subject too broad?

But when they heard Jeonghwan’s answer that followed, they realized what the leader really wanted and nodded.

“It’s a story about putting the rudder in a relationship that is practical and realistic like a calculator, except for the ideology, except for the comrade, and the rest of the seasoning and oil. Of course, it’s not about drifting all at once, it’s going to have to change direction little by little, but in the end it will.”

“You mean to show that our republic is no longer dependent on China.”

“I didn’t like seeing China play a big role in North Korea’s success now in an official statement, not forgetting that it had provided aid in the past with specialized diplomacy. Take this opportunity to refrain from emotional issues related to the war of liberation in South Korea, and to emphasize that the relationship between the two countries is mutually beneficial, not one-sided, and strictly equal, with buyers and sellers.”

Junghwan, who declared this, added the last word at the end as if he had just remembered it.

“Of course, with respect. Use diplomatic rhetoric in moderation and have them talk back. I’m sure everyone knows what I’m talking about.”

“… … Your comrade always taught you to be vigilant about the Chinese people first in order to protect the ultimate independence of the republic… … . Right now, the place where Korean companies have entered the most is not elsewhere, but in China. I’m a little worried that there might be horns coming out from over there and I’ll give you a disadvantage… … .”

Jang Seong-taek’s concerns of dragging behind the scenes were realistic enough.

Currently, the goods of North Korean companies are sold considerably in the Korean domestic market (which can no longer enjoy the advantage of low wages) and overseas markets, such as Japan and the United States, where cheap consumer goods, mainly oil, are sold, but in the end, the main market was still China.

Of course, the reason was not that the Chinese people liked North Korean products more than anything else, but because they were excluded from tariffs and regulations (for combating foreign companies) due to political considerations such as ‘preferential treatment of allies’ and were excellent in price competitiveness. If you go against the will of the Communist Party, this preferential treatment will disappear.

Even in a normal liberal democracy, it is not uncommon for foreign companies to be disadvantaged by misrepresenting security reasons.

(Actually, I’m still doing it in the present continuous tense.)

But Junghwan was firm.

“First of all, unless the internal power relations within the CCP have been sorted out, there will be no room to pay attention to external affairs. It is a long-standing characteristic of China, or even continental countries, from ancient times to worry about outside work only after cleaning the house. and… … .”

“… … and… … ?”

“The US presidential election is at the end of this year. Moreover, the next regime is likely to be a Republican one, and the next president will almost certainly solidify its accusation against China. So, in order not to be treated like a wholesaler, shouldn’t we keep our distance in advance?”

The executives all agreed to that and nodded their heads.

They too now read the Wall Street Journal or the New York Times more often than the Rodong Sinmun or Chosun Central Broadcasting.

The last eight years of Al Gore’s administration gave North Korea considerable political freedom and economic advantages such as a booming solar panel market (which has led to a huge share price increase for the North Korean company Solar One). was doing

Republican giants such as John McCain are raising their voices here and there on China’s human rights issues and the Afghan genocide, and even though nominally, North Korea, which was deployed with them, is also raising suspicions little by little.

However, there is no big problem yet, as places such as the Northeast Asian Balanced Foundation, which took the lead in response, appropriately represent and publicize North Korea’s position.

However, as information delivery media such as CDs developed day by day, it was only a matter of time before the current situation in Afghanistan became known with pictures that frowned upon.

As most party officials were surprised, even five years ago, it was impossible to imagine that cell phones with cameras would be commercially available, but the world was getting smaller and smaller.

“Besides, even after Jiang Zemin’s downfall, economic growth is still a priority in China. Comrades Xi Jinping and Bo Shilai will not know that their power is safe only if they feed the people well, so they will not criticize them for emphasizing economic cooperation.”

“Even more so because I have to deal with my anxiety.”

“Then I believe everyone understands what I mean. Make a draft as soon as possible and report it to the clerk’s office.”

“I’ve been mindful!”

At the same time as the executives sang in unison, the Foreign Ministry officials, including Kim Yong-geon, were already thinking of phrases emphasizing the transition to a subtly equal relationship without openly hurting China’s feelings.

And soon, the official congratulatory message to be sent under the name of ‘General Secretary of the Workers’ Party of Korea Kim Jeong-hwan’ changed some of the words that were always included.

‘Friendship’ changed to ‘mutual cooperation’, ‘blood alliance’ to ‘common interest’, and ‘old friend on the ideological front’ to ‘companion in the 21st century’, but someone who knows how to read diplomatic rhetoric It was a change that was enough to detect a change in diplomatic line.

When Jeonghwan declared diversification in relations with China, the next question was naturally to be asked.

Of course, that started with Yong-Gun Kim.

“Since your comrade has said that you will diversify the diplomatic power of the Republic and get rid of dependence on China, you are saying that now, Girum, you should actively reach out to other countries. Hunger, our republic is now in that weight class.”

As Kim Yong-geon said, North Korea is now slowly becoming known as an international emerging industrial country and one of the Eastern European countries that has achieved the most success in the post-Cold War regime transformation, having achieved the results of its painful internal reforms.

Of course, to the general public in the West and Europe, it was still ‘a country that used trickery to win the World Cup’, but at least for diplomats sensitive to the international situation and executives of multinational corporations, ‘a country that is a development dictatorship but guarantees the profits of companies and is worth investing in’ ‘ was known as

Even in Kim Yong-geon’s voice, there was a faint sense of pride that North Korea was no longer a collapsed or closed state, but a dignified member of the international community.

“Of course, the biggest investment in diplomatic power will ultimately be the United States, but if it does, China and Russia will jump out of the way, so we should look for countries with less burden.”

“If you say that countries with less burden… … ?”

“Aren’t we going to become South Korea first? Although the regime has changed, the flames from the World Cup have not yet been completely extinguished, and it will be relatively easy to revive with just a little breath.”

“Actually, I have something to tell you. If you look at the recent trend of public opinion in South Korea, companies are friendly to our republic, but the common people and workers among the common people are gradually becoming hostile. … .”

Just as Kim Yong-gun was about to say something, Jung-hwan waved his hand as if he knew everything.

“That’s right. After all, this is also an economic issue. Unlike us, South Korea is extremely sensitive to the public opinion of the people, so we have to deal with the burden of South Korean politicians. We must have a good slogan.”

“Good relief… … ?”

Party executives thought that he was tilting his head a lot today, but this time too, Jung-hwan answered quickly.

“Relief, propaganda, propaganda, things like that. It should be able to stimulate imagination, that is, romance. Even within the Republic these days, it is spreading among young people… … It’s a strange expression, but I mean it has to be sexy. Basically, the masses of people like that very much.”

“Shock… … no, sexy… … Because it’s a creeper, that’s… … .”

While the party executives coughed and stuttered at the too naked words coming out of the supreme leader’s mouth, Jeonghwan went into the main topic with an expression on his face, ‘Are you still embarrassed by this?’

“Say it outright. South Korea’s high-speed rail, KTX to open this year? Say that our republic is also willing to place an order for Korea Railroad Corporation (KORAIL) in South Korea. There is also a plan to develop it into a trans-Siberian railway in the long term through a gauge change project.”

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